Thus, there evolved more rigid social groups called the ghulām (slave class), the hakim (the ruler), Baluch, and the hidmatkar (the dependent) in order to exert greater control over the indigenous peoples.54 Although the semifeudal populations relied on social differentiation, the new dividing lines became more obvious and social mobility more difficult to achieve. You can’t go and see where the slaves slept or what was going on. One example is Nasekh al-tawarikh tarikh-i Qajariya (Effacement of the chronicles of the history of Qajar)18 by the prominent historian Muhammad Taqi Lesan al-Mulk Sepehr (1801–1879). I haven’t been able to find any records that say where slaves were being sold at this time, and I get the sense that they were being sold in private homes, that they were being sold privately in homes. And the discussion in parliament was “Do we want to abolish slavery? He’s really there to make his master smile. Gone with the Wind was such a big deal in Iran. Slavery in the Middle East is a growing field of study, but the history of slavery in a key country, Iran, has never before been written. Mirzai is an associate professor of Middle Eastern history at Brock University in Canada. Either way, this contrast does tend to suggest attitudinal differences and approaches between indigenous and colonizing peoples, which in turn appear to have influenced scholarship on the subject over the last decades. The ramification of these encroachments was the acceleration of regional insecurity and the expansion of the slave trade. Were they mostly Abyssinian or do we still see some Caucasian or Central Asian slaves? Even acknowledging the absence of any explicit provision in Islamic law banning slavery, some of them tended to voice disquiet about the practice of buying and selling human beings throughout the mid-nineteenth-century abolitionist debate. B. Kelly, for instance, views the institution of slavery as forming an inherent part of the Islamic teachings and as such being entrenched in the social structure of the “Islamic world”—from the period of Muslim expansion to the jihadi enslavement of “infidels.”26 Two chapters of his book are devoted to the study of slavery in the Indian Ocean: first, “The Arab Slave Trade, 1800–1842” provides a narrative in which principally Omani Arabs are identified as being responsible for developing sophisticated trafficking trade networks from the East African coast to the Persian Gulf; and second, “The Attack on the Slave Trade, 1842–1873” evaluates the “humanitarian” roots of the British policies that resulted in the conclusion of agreements with local rulers to bring an end to slavery in the region. We cannot understand slavery in Iran unless we are sensitive to the nuances of the country’s complex social character in terms of its transformation of traditional, social, political, and economic institutions as per communal structures, reform movements, foreign influences, and employment patterns over this period. What is notable about the status of former enslaved Iranians in the postemancipation period after 1929 is that many lost their distinct ethnocultural identities through a process of integration and collective social liberation. But it’s definitely not something that’s limited to the port cities, it’s something that’s being practiced all over the country and, of course the further north you go, the easier it was to smuggle in Central Asian women or Circassian women. Mehdi Akhavan-Sales, Arghanun (Tehran: Morvarid Publications, 1951). Chapter 6 examines diplomatic and political correspondence between British and Iranian governments and with various religious leaders about the suppression of the trade in enslaved Africans. Limited to a subsection of one chapter, his theories rely on correspondence and treaties between the two nations as found in British archives.21 Asserting that while the British Slave Trade Act of 1807 was inspired by the liberal idealism of the French abolition of slavery in 1794, he suggests that the legislation became a political tool wielded by the British government to enforce its economic and political interests in other countries including Iran. perialist ambitions, nineteenth-century activists sought to preserve national honor as well as to articulate culturally innovative political arguments that focused on notions of Iranian identity.59 Crucial to these activists were those that reacted to the problem of indigenous enslavement and the institution of slavery itself. Slavery and Forging New Iranian Frontiers, 1800–1900, Chapter 3. All rights reserved. The whole debate about controlling female sexuality within the context of a value system that preserves group identity is closely related to the complex concept of honor—or a man’s pride and his own sense of value. His observations offer a fascinating firsthand account of the sociopolitical insecurity of the northern and eastern frontiers as well as the extent to which Turcomans enslaved Iranians. His two-volume memoir recounted his time in Iran from 1851 to 1860.8 In addition to providing general information on culture, social mores, and medical attitudes and practices in the country, a short section of his work focused on several enslaved people and eunuchs of various races, noting their purchase prices and social status. Well, that’s a bit of a complicated question. The work and lifestyle of enslaved people living in cities contrasted strikingly with the work and lifestyle of those living in rural or coastal areas. [Translation of title: Documents Regarding the Slave Trade and Abolition during the Qajar Period.]. Under the khan was a village headman (kadkhudā) who administered village activities. Similarly considering abolition within the context of British imperialism by recourse with Adamiyat’s work and Persian archives, Esmaʿil Raʾin argues that the British expanded the sphere of their political, military, and commercial influences in Asian and African countries under the guise of humanitarianism and abolitionism.22. One reason was the absence of anything resembling the traumatic American experience of slavery: indeed, that more than one tenth of the US population descends from enslaved Africans helps explain how slavery divided the nation and led to civil war. Southern coastal cities and the life of enslaved people Coastal cities in Iran such as Bandar ʿAbbas and Bushehr differed from those in the interior: not only were they situated along important economic maritime trade routes, but also they usually showcased a wider range of ethnic and cultural diversity. What is most apparent is that the trade in enslaved people was inexorably linked to the authority of the state. What I’ve seen is that the abolition of slavery really takes on an element of erasure, an element of willful forgetting. Right before abolition, Reza Shah had that torn down. By contrast, indigenous enslaved females elicited less concern because it was understood that they could return to their families for protection. The American example really hijacked the story of slavery globally. I am looking at the late 19th and early 20th century. There were a lot of exchanges with the Swahili coast, historically, going back centuries, but by the late 19th century there is this sense that if you see someone with darker skin in Iran, that person is probably a slave. The untimely death of a black man causes a stir in the press, causing intellectuals and activists to point to a long history of slavery and institutionalized racism in America. Or were they scattered throughout the country? Conjectures as to how abolition came about are mixed, and the central suggestion made here is that Islam played a neglected role in the process.”73 In a review of this work, Toledano states that this interpretation of slavery ignores the impact of local practices and cultures in societies as distant and different as Morocco and Indonesia.74 Chouki El Hamel maintains a similar position: “Islam and Islamic law was surely a powerful social dynamic, but other cultural and ethnic factors figure prominently into how Islam was engendered in particular historical social settings.”75 In noting that racial distinctions and tribal prejudices were no more rooted in Islam than a characteristic therein that encouraged the sponsorship of slavery, he suggests that “the othering of blacks goes back to the biblical Ham, son of Noah, and the Hamitic curse and discourse.”76 Moreover, nowhere in the Middle East was legalized or customary racial segregation found as it was in the Americas, states Ronald Segal; instead, Islam “confronted the emergence of racism as a form of institutionalized discrimination, because the Koran expressly condemned racism along with tribalism and nationalism.”77 The study of slavery in Middle Eastern societies therefore requires the consideration of specifics, variations, and differences rather than an abstract view of “Islamic” slavery. 285 –91Google Scholar. He explores the development of racial stereotypes from the sixteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century, arguing that although Morocco was a Muslim society, the status (enslavement, freedom, and integration) of enslaved people was informed by deeply entrenched cultural practices and Maliki interpretations of Islamic law. His works provide richly detailed information about customs, culture, economy, and communities. For instance, nineteenth-century literature often refers to “black” or African quarters. Narges Alipour, Asnad-i Bardi Furushi Va Man’ An Dar ‘Asr Qajar (Tehran: Parliamentary Archives Publications, 2011). You mentioned that the abolition of the slave trade took place in 1848. This history extends to Africa in the west and India in the east, to Russia and Turkmenistan in the north, and to the Arab states in the south. Passed by Congress on January 31, 1865, and ratified on December 6, 1865, the 13th amendment abolished slavery in the United States and provides that “Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or … This study examines various factors that affected the institution of slavery in Iran in the period from the early nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. 236), 25 September 1926. Is that where you tended to find slaves? One of the best examples is that of Jakob Polak (1818–1891), Nasir al-Din Shah’s private physician. The works of political leaders, intellectuals, and reformers of the Qajar period can also help us understand more fully the society in which the suppression of slavery was viewed as necessary. Everyone over the age of six on August 1, 1834, when the law went into effect, was required to serve an apprenticeship of four years in the case of domestics and six years in the case of field hands.
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